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| Paolo Ferrero Fall is marked by a strong intensification of social conflict. In particular in recent weeks the mobilization of school and university students has taken on a dimension, a continuity of social relationships and an ability not seen in decades. It is not only a protest Italian. In many European countries the same thing is happening and to a large majority of cases we see a significant intertwining of student protests and workers' struggles. So we are talking about a general phenomenon, which has material reasons, and that goes far beyond the horror challenge Ddl Gelmini. In each country there is a different trigger, but the unifying point of youth and student is the clear perception of the lack of prospects. The young people who will stay clear - a large majority - their worst parents. Not only that, they know they have no network guarantees to cling and are therefore destined to live as in war, always with the fear of falling into an ambush. Moreover, after years of propaganda on liberalism and the neutrality of the market, young people under the eyes of one thing clear: the money to bail out the banks not only exist but are largely taken by cutting welfare and public education. Students will then receive no prospects and realize that there is nothing objective or natural as it is happening to him. The student movement this week is the first real movement that emerged in the capitalist crisis and the crisis is playing his game. E ' a collective movement because the problem is structural and relates to the role and status of youth, not this or that. It 'a political movement because it starts from the specific context of the Ddl Gelmini but in fact calls into question its status. The ease with which the student movement has met with the metalworkers was born right here, from the common understanding of the social role subordinate to the ruling classes have developed not only for workers but also for young people. Every student realizes immediately that there is a direct, material, including the cutting of funds for school and public university and the precarious work as a structural condition, noncontingent. No coincidence that some social researcher rightly pointed out that these students not only have "feelings" but also - perhaps especially - "resentment." Students do not move only in the name of an ideal but in the name of materiality. They do not move only "to" but move "against" rebel with a worsening collective. From this point of view we can not see how the issue of student and youth today in Italy - and in many European countries - has all the characteristics of a structural contradiction similar to that of class. So we are in front of a movement that is an expression of a structural contradiction. From this point of view it is necessary work to strengthen the movement that is bent at avoiding political nature short-sighted goals that would only end the decree. We must not repeat the mistakes made by the movement of Genoa, at the end bent around the theme of the alternative government. Consolidating the work moving means to deepen their knowledge, to promote his organization in "institutions of the movement." From '68-'69 were born the works councils, area committees, as well as the Genoa Social Forum were born. Today we must work to encourage the development and enlargement of structures that allow movement to provide continuity and autonomy to it. That allow for refocusing reconstruction subjectivity of a social conscience can solidify, planning and conflict in ways not episodic. This mobilization of December 14 is very important and we must work to its full success, carefully avoiding to tie the fate of the movement to drop or not the government. The movement has its role and its raison d'etre that go beyond the operations of the palace around which to play the crisis in the Berlusconi government. The construction of a network of stable relations that nurture the social formation that went to the streets October 16 and will be back to square December 14 is a realistic goal and be pursued with determination. We must do so at national level as at the regional level and we must do to break this asphyxiating centrality of political-show to bring back the good policy in the field: one that feeds on the social role and clearly puts the issue as the alternative to Berlusconi Berlusconi. free (12/12/2010) |
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